One of the great lessons of
the Vietnam War is that a nation of people opposed to a foreign war can
actually constrain & eventually halt that conflict. Unfortunately, one of
the other lessons of that war is that this process takes time. Between the
so-called Gulf of Tonkin incident on 4 August 1964 and the day when the last Huey pulled the final
refugees off of the roof of the U.S. embassy in Saigon in April,
1975, eleven years, over 50,000 American & millions of Vietnamese lives
were wasted. The current regime in Washington doesn’t know much about history books, but it does
know that a “surgical strike” campaign, a war that can be measured in months or
even weeks, is politically feasible.
Today was the day that Laura Bush originally set aside to invite a few poets to the White House to
discuss Whitman, Hughes & Dickinson under the banner of ”Poetry and The
American Voice.” This event won’t happen because one of the invited poets, Sam
Hamill, turned out to be a conservative only in his aesthetics. Hamill, as
concerned as any American about the impending disaster, sent out an email to
some friends:
I am asking every poet
to speak up for the conscience of our country and lend his or her name to our
petition against this war, and to make February 12 a day of Poetry Against the War. We will compile an anthology of protest to
be presented to the White House on that afternoon.
That email spread like a
computer virus, replicating over & over again until virtually every poet in
the country must have received it at least once. I know that I stopped counting
the copies I received when it got into double digits.
Somewhere along the way,
somebody – it would interesting to know just who – thought to let Ms. Bush know
of this impending anthology & the event was cancelled, generating several
articles in the media. As it turned out, the poet laureates of both Canada and the United States weighed in against the war. Todd Swift ’s ad-hoc antiwar anthologies got some media
attention that they almost certainly would not otherwise have received.
Editorial writers generally took the line that “poets will be poets,” which,
condescending as it certainly is, at least acknowledges the historic opposition
to war & brutality that many – but by no means all – poets have shown over
the years. Even less surprisingly, writers who function professionally as right
wing commentators, such as Roger Kimball & J. Bottum,
both invited to the cancelled soiree, weighed in to scold their peers for a
lack of manners, a curious way to balance the impolite bombing of the citizens
of Iraq whose only crime is to have failed to oust a brutal
& murderous dictator.
Since then, there have been
plenty of opportunities for second-guessing. Hamill’s
website has reminded everyone of what they knew all along – he’s really a
conservative as a poet, even if he does oppose the war. His “chapbook” in fact
reflects an establishmentarian poetics that wants more than anything to retain
its role as just that. Others have suggested that attending the event &
making a scene there might have generated even more media attention to the
rapid arrival of a wide-spread & popular opposition to Bush’s war. I’m a
skeptic on that one myself. I think that Hamill’s email
took on a life of its own precisely because there is such widespread
opposition.
But what concerns
me is not the usual – & ultimately petty – divisions between traditions of
poetry. I am experiencing emotions that I suspect many Germans must have felt
in the late 1930s: my government is
about to rain death onto the world in great quantity. The legitimate safety of
the nation in which I live, one ostensible reason for this, can only be damaged
by any invasion of Iraq . The other reasons for an invasion – ranging from
the importance of upholding UN resolutions to Iraqi connections to al Qaeda –
all fall into the categories of dubious to laughable. The history of the Soviet Union has demonstrated that containment works against far
stronger foes than Saddam Hussein.
Which
leaves only one plausible rationale for sending troops into Iraq : the liberation of the Iraqi
people. I’m certainly sympathetic
to that argument & can understand why left intellectuals from Ellen Willis
to Salman Rushdie could be persuaded of the need for
force to oust a genuinely barbaric dictator. But I have two problems with this
argument itself – first is a rather long list of other nations that would, by
logic, then force us to engage. Hussein may be the worst of a bad lot, but he is
hardly alone. The second is that, from an Iraqi perspective, the last nation on
earth I would to become an involuntary protectorate of would be the United States .
Far from “helping to spread
democracy” to other Middle-Eastern states, the Bush strategy is a recipe for
long-term destabilization of an entire region, stretching from sub-Saharan Africa and extending to the western provinces of China & the Philippine archipelago. And, as should be
apparent to anyone in the post-September 11th world, destabilization
abroad can have profound consequences at home as well. Any attempt to stretch
our military dominance over such a vast terrain – one that includes or touches
at least four nuclear states – would require a transformation of the American
economy toward a fortress America prepared for permanent conflict. It is no accident
that no nation in history has been able to sustain an empire – the costs far
outweigh any riches reaped.
What can be done to halt
this disaster before it occurs? Short of a massive general
strike in the United States , virtually nothing. The present regime has already demonstrated that it
will not listen to the majority – that isn’t how it got into office, nor an
impulse it has had even for one day since taking power. Furth er, it has subsequently consolidated power in all
three branches of federal government.
Poets need to continue to
speak out, to demonstrate to the world the absolute lack of consensus the
actions of this regime have, to point to the hypocrisies & to call
attention to all of the various new threats on democracy and justice that emanate
from the axis of evil situated between Crawford , Texas , and the White House. But nobody, poets most of all,
should be del uded into thinking that this by itself constitutes
effective action.
The problem that poets have
is one that we share with all progressives – the forces who promote this
conflict have dramatically reorganized & transformed themselves since the
1960s. Progressives continue to use the same tools that took so very long to work
four decades ago that millions died needlessly. Unless & until we can
transform that imbalance, more to the American Voice than just poetry will
continue to go unheard.