Necessity
is an interesting test of a poet. It reveals itself most clearly in those
projects that have almost no chance whatsoever of succeeding, where, in fact,
pursuing the project is inconvenient, potentially even embarrassing.
Or worse.
One could, I think, make a case that Gunslinger
functionally destroyed Edward Dorn as a poet & that after its
completion there was little left that he could do. It’s more complicated than
that, of course, always — in Dorn’s case you could point to the drug use &
a difficult personality as equally isolating factors — but all the extenuating
circumstances can’t erase, finally, the fact that something compelled the man
to take on a project that could only have been impossible.
Dorn is an
extreme case, though. Many poets seem driven to pursue projects from time to
time that are inevitably problematic, but hardly to such effect. To some
degree, it’s a test of their integrity as artists. It’s not a bad gauge of a
writer to see at just what (and how) he or she chooses to fail.
I’ve come
across two such noble shipwrecks in the past week or so, both projects that I really like in theory, but can’t imagine how
they could possibly work. One of these is Lorine Niedecker’s 19-part serial
poem entitled “Thomas Jefferson.”
The problem
with the Niedecker’s
The ghost
behind Niedecker’s
The poem
both does & doesn’t work, or rather, it functions in sections variously.
The first —
My wife is ill!
And I sit
waiting
for a quorum
— is
reminiscent of a well-formed haiku, but the third —
Elk Hill destroyed —
Cornwallis
carried off 30 slaves
Were it to give them freedom
he’d have done right
— groans with obviousness. And, frankly, there’s more of the latter than the former in
this sequence.
Did
Niedecker intend the poem as an answer to Pound, himself the author of
“Thomas
Jefferson” is not a political poem or, if it is, achieves that status precisely
through its argument for the personal, an anticipation of the central tenet of
second-wave feminism. It’s not so much that the poem doesn’t “work” as it is
that Niedecker won’t let it. The moments of the obvious, these little moral
tableaus that undercut the poem’s force as a work of literature contrast
precisely with the specificity of the particular, which is the predominate
feature of the personal — it’s all, as Williams once put it, things. But because Niedecker is writing
in some sense about the president of the particular — the Bill of Rights is
aimed directly at the protection of the singular against the majority &
against the power of the state — but is writing about him abstractly as a man, the crux of this poem is a knot that Niedecker
can